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John de Graaf - The Progressive Politics of Happiness
Bruce Schuman
Thursday, June 10, 2010

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Published on Thursday, June 10, 2010 by CommonDreams.org

http://www.commondreams.org/view/2010/06/10-11

The Progressive Politics of Happiness by John de Graaf

The following is adapted from a speech John de Graaf delivered to the annual gala of the Northwest Progressive Institute on Mercer Island, Washington, June 9, 2010.

You may have noticed that the subject of happiness is hot right now. In the past year and a half, more than 27,000 books and articles have been written on the subject. But the interest in happiness is not entirely new.

Once upon a time, in a far-off land of green valleys and soaring mountains, a boy of 16 was crowned King—and began in a quiet way to change the world. The year was 1972—not so long ago. The faraway land was a tiny Himalayan Kingdom called Bhutan, thought of by many as the model for Shangri-La. And the 16-year-old king was Jigme Wangchuck, who, when asked what he would do to increase Bhutan’s Gross National Product, replied that, as far as he was concerned, “Gross National Happiness is more important than Gross National Product.” And Gross National Happiness would be the goal of his reign.

Now if any leader, young or old, had made those remarks here in the United States, he or she would have received a few polite chuckles perhaps, then a collective yawn, and an exhortation to get real and get back to making money. But the people of Bhutan take their kings very seriously, and slowly over the next 38 years, they began to put a little meat on the concept of Gross National Happiness. They wanted to figure out how to measure it, how to enhance it through government and social policies, and how to educate themselves about the behaviors that lead to greater joy. So they invited leading “happiness scientists” to their once isolated land—psychologists and economists and ecologists and philosophers and sociologists and experts in health and in the creation of scientific surveys.

In time, they began to measure nine domains that affect happiness:

Psychological well-being or mental health

Physical health

Time or Work-life balance

Education

Cultural vitality and expression

Social connection and relationships

Environmental quality and access to nature

Quality of governance…

And finally…finally…

Material well-being.

It’s telling that “material well-being” (translation: stuff), the near-obsessive goal of American economics, is only one of the dimensions Bhutan uses to analyze economic decisions. That’s because research has shown that stuff only makes us happier up to a point.

For poor nations, happiness tends to rise quickly as purchasing power and standard of living increases. But past a certain level of income, the curve of increased satisfaction flattens and eventually becomes a straight line. It may even begin to decline. So, for instance, in the United States, surveys of self-reported life satisfaction show a slight downward trend over the past half century, despite a near-tripling of average incomes.

It is true that in virtually all societies, rich people are happier than poor people, a phenomenon that reflects status and power differences and the psychological fact that we tend to judge our success, and therefore, rate our satisfaction, in comparison to others. But as an entire society’s income rises past a minimum of modest comfort, overall levels of happiness do not rise with it.

This finding leads former Harvard University president Derek Bok, author of the new book, THE POLITICS OF HAPPINESS, to a sensible observation:

If it turns out to be true that rising incomes have failed to make Americans happier, as much of the recent research suggests, what is the point of working such long hours and risking environmental disaster in order to keep on doubling and redoubling our Gross Domestic Product?

What is the point, indeed?

But what, you might ask, has this to do with progressive politics?

Well, some of the world’s leading happiness experts created surveys for Bhutan to use in measuring its people’s life satisfaction. And policy makers in Bhutan are using the results to guide its economic, social and environmental policies. They’ve even used it to decide NOT to join the WTO!

In the past decade, Bhutan has taken its message of happiness to the world. In fact, Bhutan’s Secretary of Happiness was in the United States recently. He spoke at the first Gross National Happiness Conference in Burlington, Vermont, and then traveled to Seattle to address the Green Festival, the Environmental Protection Agency, and members of the Seattle City Council.

The happiness surveys developed for Bhutan have been used in Brazil and Canada and other countries—in cities, in universities and even in corporations. In the city of Victoria, BC, civic organizations formed a Happiness Partnership and conducted a scientific sampling of the nine domains of happiness in their city. You can take the survey yourself: http://survey.dialogueresearch.com/.

We are now hoping to create a similar partnership in Seattle. In fact, it seems we may have a little friendly “happiness” competition among Northwest cities—Victoria, Vancouver, Bellingham, Seattle, Olympia and Portland. You may want to think about it in your own town.

Imagine taking seriously what Thomas Jefferson wrote about governments being instituted to promote “life, liberty and the pursuit of happiness.” He didn’t say “property,” or “maximum incomes” or the “grossest national product”; he said “happiness.”

Imagine asking a simple question: What’s our economy for, anyway?, and then concluding, with Gifford Pinchot, the first director of the Forest Service, that its purpose is “the greatest good for the greatest number over the longest run.” In other words, Gross National Happiness with justice and sustainability.

How might this affect our politics?

Well, interestingly, only 6% of Victoria residents said they thought they’d be happier if they had more possessions. Ranking their material satisfaction, they gave it a score of 92 on a scale of 100. You can find the results here.

They were far less happy with their environmental quality, giving it a score of only 63, and even unhappier with their financial security, scoring it 53.

But the lowest score of all was for “time balance”—a score of only 46 out of 100. According to the Victoria survey, “Stress and problems of time-balance were the most important factors in limiting well-being across the regional population.”

I suspect that our surveys in Seattle and other American cities will produce similar results, but with scores for time balance and economic security even lower than in Victoria. And I would suggest that this has some implications for our politics that progressives have not taken seriously.

For example, in a recent article in the Huffington Post, Roger Hickey, the organizer of the America’s Future Now conference held this week in Washington D.C., wrote:

“Every progressive completely agrees that we must restore the kind of supercharged economic growth we had in the 1950s and 1960s if we are to end unemployment and reduce the deficit.”

Whoa! Now I don’t know about you, but every progressive I know completely agrees that such a development would be ecological suicide. Our ecological footprint is already five times what is sustainable. If everyone in the world consumed as we do, we’d need five planets. We’d look back at the Gulf of Mexico oil crisis as a picnic.

What we need now is not supercharged economic growth, but an economy that is less consumptive, kinder to the earth, more local and with less of our time committed to the market, so that we have more time for our communities, for our families, for our health and to be good environmental stewards. That’s the kind of economy Juliet Schor advocates in her new book, PLENITUDE.

Green, alternative technologies can help us to transition there, but they can never perpetuate a consumer lifestyle that knows no limits on a planet already stretched to the limit. Mr. Hickey needs to seriously rethink this. Progressives need to re-think this.

And if we do, it will suggest a different strategy—a strategy centered on time instead of growth.

Here of some examples of the kind of policies we should promote:

Paid family leave. Only the United States, Swaziland, Liberia and Papua New Guinea don’t guarantee at least paid maternity leave. Most wealthy countries also offer paid leave for fathers.

Paid sick days. Only a handful of desperately poor countries and the United States, don’t guaranteed paid leave when you’re sick. 86 percent of food service workers get no paid sick days and they come to work sick and get you sick—they can be fired if they don’t.

Paid vacation time. Only the United States, Guyana, Suriname, Nepal and Burma don’t guarantee at least some paid vacation time. Every European gets at least four weeks off with pay a year. We should support the Paid Vacation Act of 2009, sponsored in Congress by a true progressive, Representative Alan Grayson of Florida. It’s a very modest proposal, but a step in the right direction.

Here’s another idea: the choice of shorter work-time. In the Netherlands and some other European countries, workers have a legal right to reduce their hours without losing their jobs. They keep the same hourly pay, pro-rated benefits and full health care. This is an enormous expansion of personal freedom—the right to choose time over money, to select shorter hours of work without losing one’s livelihood.

Each of these policy reforms is essential to good health. Indeed, our lack of these rights is part of the reason Americans have the worst health in the industrial world, despite paying twice as much as everyone else does for healthcare. We are almost twice as likely to suffer chronic illness in old age as Europeans are, for example. Workplace stress in America is a killer, the “new tobacco” in the words of one cardiologist.

Such ideas should have been part of the health care debate. Progressives should have insisted that they be part of the health care debate. If we enact these policies, we can become healthier and ultimately, at far less cost.

Right now, Americans work 200 to 400 hours more each year than Europeans do. We need to work less so all can work. We can reduce unemployment by sharing the work, as progressive economist Dean Baker has pointed out clearly. Most Americans don’t need more stuff in their lives. But they desperately need more time, and more opportunity to work and work reasonable hours.

Such changes will make our families and communities stronger. And they will reduce our impact on the environment. With more time, people walk more, bicycle more, and use public transit more frequently. With longer working hours, they choose the fastest, most energy-intensive, form of transport. This is not rocket science and many studies confirm it.

A politics of time is also a politics of happiness. Gallup does an annual poll, measuring levels of well-being in 140 countries. Even Forbes magazine confirmed that the United States in nowhere in the top ten. The four happiest countries are Denmark, Finland, the Netherlands and Sweden. Forbes explained what they have in common. They are among the world’s most egalitarian nations and they pay the greatest attention to work-life balance. Conservative economist Bruce Bartlett added one more commonality they share. They pay among the highest taxes in the world. Obviously, they get something for their money.

A politics of happiness and of time balance has profoundly progressive implications.

If we don’t understand this, leading conservatives do, and they want to nip this in the bud. Their think tanks and scholars are already at work to hijack happiness. Consider two new books by Arthur Brooks, the President of the American Enterprise Institute. One is called GROSS NATIONAL HAPPINESS. The other is called THE BATTLE, and is endorsed by Carl Rove and Dick Cheney as a “must read for conservatives who want our movement to dominate the intellectual and policy debates of America’s coming vital decades.”

These books are to the science of happiness what the shills for BP are to the science of climate change. Contrary to what virtually every happiness study has found, Brooks contends that the happiest countries are those with the least government and lowest taxes.

Happiness researchers have found pretty much the opposite. To the Danes, Swedes, Finns and Dutch, Brooks’ findings must read like a joke book.

Brooks does agree that after a certain point more money doesn’t make people happier.

Then he uses it to argue that, therefore, in America, inequality doesn’t matter. And he even argues that reducing American working hours would make workers unhappier. Brooks says that Americans don’t work long hours because they have to; they do it because they love to work so much. Vacations would make them completely miserable!

Well, I’ve got news for Mr. Brooks. Gallup’s daily survey finds that Americans are 20 percent happier on weekends than on workdays—what a surprise! They are 30 to 40 percent happier on holidays. And when they rank the happiness their daily activities bring, working ends up second from the bottom, more pleasurable only than that mother of all downers, the morning commute. By contrast, socializing after work ranks second from the top!

Now, I’m not knocking work. A good job with a living wage that contributes to society and provides for one’s family is central to a happy life. We need to be sure that every American has the opportunity to have such a job. But more is not always better and 50 hours a week is not better than 40 or 32, especially when we are sacrificing our health and social connection.

Arthur Brooks’ conclusions may be laughable to happiness researchers. But the fact that the President of the American Enterprise Institute devotes not one, but two, books to the politics of happiness, tells us just how dangerous he feels this subject is for the Right and just how necessary he—and the big conservative money that feeds him—feel it is to reframe and hijack this dialogue before it begins.

We can’t let them do that. And we can’t let this moment pass without action. The politics of happiness are progressive at their core. They call for policies that go deeper than economic growth, to the core values of family and community, health and stewardship, a balanced life on a sustainable planet. And they are part of our progressive tradition.

Nearly a hundred years ago, when thousands of women left the dismal textile mills of Lawrence, Massachusetts, to demand a better life, they carried banners which read:

WE WANT BREAD AND ROSES TOO. Bread and roses were the twin goals of the old labor movement; higher wages to buy the bread; shorter working hours to smell the roses.

Somehow we’ve come to focus solely on the bread and we’ve left the roses to wither. It’s time to water them again.

John de Graaf is the national coordinator of Take Back Your Time, an organization challenging time poverty and overwork in the U.S. and Canada (see www.timeday.org) and a frequent speaker on issues of overwork and over-consumption in America. He is often a guest lecturer on college campuses. John is the co-author of the best-selling Affluenza.

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Net Neutrality - factors and buzzwords
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It's a nightmare scenario: One day, you log on to the Web, and only 20 or 25 Web sites built by brand-name Net companies fire up quickly. Everything else -- all the mom-and-pop sites, all the niche retailers, all the alternative blogs you read -- dribble out onto your screen like it's 1996 all over again.

But this is a nightmare, too: You log on to the Web after work, and nothing seems to be working. That's because the people living in the three other apartments in your building are busy downloading one pirated Blu-ray movie while watching another. Or spammers have taken control of your neighbors' machines and are pumping out millions of e-mails, totally clogging your Internet pipe. You call your ISP and complain. An operator there says, "Sorry, those pirates and spammers have just as much right to the network as you do."

The important debate on net neutrality is perhaps the most misunderstood technology argument of our time. Sure, neutrality is good and discrimination is bad. And of course, it's terrible that companies like Google and Verizon seem to be holding secret meetings that will decide the future of our beloved free Internet. It's a shame that this important debate has been dragged down by sloganeering and extremism. Here are two important points everyone should understand about this fight.

1. This is not the fight of big companies vs. little people that it has been cast to be. It is big companies vs. other big companies. It's Web content s... [more]

Bruce Schuman
Sunday, August 8, 2010

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David Stockman - Four Deformations of the Apocalypse
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By DAVID STOCKMAN

New York Times

http://www.nytimes.com/2010/08/01/opinion/01stockman.html?_r=3&pagewanted=all

Published: July 31, 2010

IF there were such a thing as Chapter 11 for politicians, the Republican push to extend the unaffordable Bush tax cuts would amount to a bankruptcy filing. The nation’s public debt — if honestly reckoned to include municipal bonds and the $7 trillion of new deficits baked into the cake through 2015 — will soon reach $18 trillion. That’s a Greece-scale 120 percent of gross domestic product, and fairly screams out for austerity and sacrifice. It is therefore unseemly for the Senate minority leader, Mitch McConnell, to insist that the nation’s wealthiest taxpayers be spared even a three-percentage-point rate increase.

More fundamentally, Mr. McConnell’s stand puts the lie to the Republican pretense that its new monetarist and supply-side doctrines are rooted in its traditional financial philosophy. Republicans used to believe that prosperity depended upon the regular balancing of accounts — in government, in international trade, on the ledgers of central banks and in the financial affairs of private households and businesses, too. But the new catechism, as practiced by Republican policymakers for decades now, has amounted to little more than money printing and deficit finance — vulgar Keynesianism r... [more]

Bruce Schuman
Sunday, August 1, 2010

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Get American Back to Work - Manifesto signed by leading economists
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GET AMERICA BACK TO WORK

July 19, 2010

Fourteen million unemployed represents a gigantic waste of human capital, an irrecoverable loss of wealth and spending power, and an affront to the ideals of America. Some 6.8 million have been out of work for 27 weeks or more. Members of Congress went home to celebrate July 4 having failed to extend unemployment benefits.

We recognize the necessity of a program to cut the mid- and long-term federal deficit but the imperative requirement now, and the surest course to balance the budget over time, is to restore a full measure of economic activity. As in the 1930s, the economy is suffering a sharp decline in aggregate demand and loss of business confidence. Long experience shows that monetary policy may not be enough, particularly in deep slumps, as Keynes noted.

The urgent need is for government to replace the lost purchasing power of the unemployed and their families and to employ other tax-cut and spending programs to boost demand. Making deficit reduction the first target, without addressing the chronic underlying deficiency of demand, is exactly the error of the 1930s. It will prolong the great recession, harm the social cohesion of the country, and continue inflicting unnecessary hardship on millions of Americans.

As the Senate appears ready... [more]

Bruce Schuman
Tuesday, July 20, 2010

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Tony Podesta - Superlobbyist - NY Times
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Lobbyist Says It’s Not About Influence

By ERIC LICHTBLAU

http://www.nytimes.com/2010/07/02/us/02podesta.html?_r=4&hp=&pagewanted=print

WASHINGTON — On the eve of a critical Congressional vote last week on a sweeping measure to regulate Wall Street, the prominent lobbyist Tony Podesta met with one of the lawmakers to go over some final language and discuss the effect it could have on his many corporate clients.

Once that was over, Mr. Podesta pivoted back to another client, BP, to help the company navigate Congressional waters and, in short, try to prevent an ugly situation from getting even uglier.

For weeks now, the two biggest issues in Congress have been cleaning up Wall Street and cleaning up the Gulf Coast. To the surprise of no one in the capital’s K Street corridor, Mr. Podesta — Democratic fund-raiser, avid art collector and member of a family brand in Washington — has had a big hand in both. And medical companies have also been drawn to his firm, particularly in the wake of the health care legislation.

In a remarkable season of lobbying, business is booming for the Podesta Group, already one of Washington’s biggest players. It has become particularly lucrative for firms like Mr. Podesta’s that are skilled at wielding influence in Congress, the center of epic debates on health care, bailouts and financial regulations.... [more]

Bruce Schuman
Saturday, July 3, 2010

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The Power of Freedom - Aung San Suu Kyi
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http://en.wikiquote.org/wiki/Aung_San_Suu_Kyi

Acceptance message for the 1990 Sakharov Prize for Freedom of Thought (July 1991)

  • It is not power that corrupts but fear. Fear of losing power corrupts those who wield it and fear of the scourge of power corrupts those who are subject to it.
  • It would be difficult to dispel ignorance unless there is freedom to pursue the truth unfettered by fear. With so close a relationship between fear and corruption it is little wonder that in any society where fear is rife corruption in all forms becomes deeply entrenched.

  • The effort necessary to remain uncorrupted in an environment where fear is an integral part of everyday existence is not immediately apparent to those fortunate enough to live in states governed by the rule of law. Just laws do not merely prevent corruption by meting out impartial punishment to offenders. They also help to create a society in which people can fulfil the basic requirements necessary for the preservation of human dignity without recourse to corrupt practices. Where there are no such laws, the burden of upholding the principles of justice and common decency falls on the ordinary people. It is the cumulative effect on their sustained effort and steady endurance which ... [more]

    Bruce Schuman
    Wednesday, June 23, 2010

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How broken is our democracy? And how can we fix it?
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How broken is our democracy? And how can we fix it?

http://www.everyday-democracy.org/en/Article.1177.aspx

by Martha McCoy

June 1, 2010 | | Washington, D.C.

Everyday Democracy's Executive Director Martha McCoy gives her remarks at the Brookings event, "How Broken is Our Democracy? And How Can We Fix It?”

On June 1, 2010, Demos, AmericaSpeaks, Everyday Democracy, the Ash Center for Democratic Governance and Innovation at Harvard Kennedy School, and the Brookings Institution hosted a half-day conference to discuss the key issues at stake in our democracy. Panelists explored the priorities that should be front and center over the coming year; examined possibilities of a unified agenda for democratic reform; and discussed ways of creating and strengthening a movement for a vibrant and inclusive democracy.

Everyday Democracy's Executive Director Martha McCoy spoke about issues related to talking about participation and collaboration. To see the video, click here. McCoy appears at about 8 minutes into the video.

The Open Government Directive that the president issued his first day in office was hopeful and exciting for many across the country. The 3 commitments in that directive – to transparency, participation, and collaboration – are critical aspects of the democracy reform movement.

The challenge with talking about participation ... [more]

Bruce Schuman
Wednesday, June 23, 2010

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Get Involved with local Coffee Party Groups

http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=iSxFNaX6uFc&feature=player_embedded

Bruce Schuman
Thursday, June 17, 2010

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Reasonable Disagreement and Political Policy - UCSB Philosopher
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UCSB Philosopher Examines Reasonable Disagreement and Political Policy

December 16, 2009

Christopher McMahon

http://www.ia.ucsb.edu/pa/display.aspx?pkey=2146

(Santa Barbara, Calif.) –– Christopher McMahon, a professor of philosophy at UC Santa Barbara, has a new take on disagreements –– particularly those that are political in nature. His most recent scholarly work could lead to a greater acceptance of differing points of view, or, at the very least, offer an explanation about why even the most well- reasoned arguments generally fail to bring everyone into agreement.

In his new book, "Reasonable Disagreement: A Theory of Political Morality" (Cambridge University Press, 2009), McMahon examines the ways in which reasonable people can disagree about the requirements of political morality. He argues that a "zone of reasonable disagreement" –– a range of possible positions that can be taken –– surrounds most questions of political morality, and that the zone evolves over time, so what might have been reasonable hundreds of years ago is not so today.

"There is an idea in political philosophy today that under ideal conditions people deliberating in good faith will reach a consensus about political policies that should be adopted," McMahon explained. "C... [more]

Bruce Schuman
Thursday, June 17, 2010

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Amy Gardner - Tea Party hurt by a lack of organization
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'Tea party' hurt by lack of organization

'We like it being a collective group of voices,' says member

By Amy Gardner The Washington Post

updated 1:00 a.m. PT, Sat., June 12, 2010

The polls hadn't even closed Tuesday when "tea party" activists in Nevada started sniping at one another over whether Sharron Angle, the soon-to-be Republican nominee for U.S. Senate, was the best candidate to bring down Senate Majority Leader Harry M. Reid.

In Virginia, tea partiers vented on blogs and to reporters about the movement's inability to coalesce around a single, strong candidate in two House races, resulting in the nomination of establishment candidates instead.

The national tea party movement has never had a central organization or single leader; in fact, it has boasted the opposite.

But Tuesday's primary results provided fresh evidence of the amorphous network's struggle to convert activist anger and energy into winning results.

'Breaks my heart'

Frustrated and lacking agreement on what to do next, self-identified tea party leaders say the movement may be in danger of breaking apart before it ever really comes together.

"No one owns the tea party brand, and that's kind of the problem," said Brendan Steinhauser, grass-roots director for FreedomWorks, which organizes tea party groups. "In Virginia — it breaks my heart. You've got six self-appointed tea party candidates and one establishment g... [more]

Bruce Schuman
Saturday, June 12, 2010

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Michael Nagler - Fixing Planet Earth: A Not-So-Modest Proposal
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http://www.yesmagazine.org/people-power/fixing-planet-earth-a-not-so-modest-proposal

Fixing Planet Earth: A Not-So-Modest Proposal

YES Magazine

Only a nonviolent revolution, like the one led by Gandhi, can meet the challenge of the climate crisis.

by Michael N. Nagler

posted Jun 03, 2010

An array of constructive activities, such as building community gardens or installing solar panels, need to be part of the push towards a climate friendly world.

Mahatma Gandhi is widely regarded as the father of the Indian nation, which he was. But the founding of the nation was not his only aim. He was, as he freely admitted, using India to demonstrate to the whole world how nonviolence could change history. The swell of mostly nonviolent revolutions that has followed in the last 30 or so years would seem to indicate that his bold scheme worked.

We need to be no less daring now, in the face of the coming climate chaos. To rebalance and stabilize the planet’s climate, which we probably have to do in the present decade, is daunting; but it doesn’t go far enough. We need to do it the right way, and we need to unleash a domino effect that will end up—maybe by the end of the century—eliminating not just human-caused climate change, which is the most urgent problem, but many, if not all, of the problems linked to it... [more]

Bruce Schuman
Thursday, June 10, 2010

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Tim O'Reilly - It's all about the Platform
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http://techcrunch.com/2009/09/04/gov-20-its-all-about-the-platform/

Editor’s note: The following guest post is by Tim O’Reilly, the founder and CEO of computer book publisher O’Reilly Media and a conference organizer. O’Reilly coined the term Web 2.0 five years ago. Now he is arguing it is time for Gov 2.0, and has helped organize a summit next week to talk about what that might mean.

Today, many people equate Web 2.0 with social media; three or four years ago, they equated it with AJAX applications and APIs. Many are now starting to think it’s all about cloud computing. In fact, it’s all of these and more. The way I have always defined Web 2.0, it’s been about what it means for the internet, rather than the personal computer, to be the dominant computing platform. What are the rules of business and competitive advantage when the network is the platform?

So too with Government 2.0. A lot of people equate the term with government use of social media, either to solicit public participation or to get out its message in new ways. Some people think it means making government more transparent. Some people think it means adding AJAX to government websites, or replacing those websites with government APIs, or building new cloud platforms for shared government services. And yes, it means all those things.

But as with Web 2.0, the real secret of succes... [more]

Bruce Schuman
Wednesday, June 9, 2010

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Arianna Huffington - Can Technology Forge a New Relationship Between Government and the Public?
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Can Technology Forge a New Relationship Between Government and the Public?

http://www.huffingtonpost.com/arianna-huffington/can-technology-forge-a-ne_b_603703.html

Watching the news, it's easy to conclude that "Yes We Can" has been replaced with, "Actually, On Second Thought... We Probably Can't." We can't plug the damn hole, we can't get rid of too-big-to-fail banks, we can't pass an adequate foreclosures bill, we can't pass an adequate jobs bill. The list goes on and on.

Nevertheless, there are reasons for optimism -- even when it comes to the way our government is being run. One of these reasons is Tim O'Reilly, the tech guru CEO of O'Reilly Media. Among other things, five years ago O'Reilly coined the term Web 2.0. And now he's at the forefront of a movement to apply the concept to the way our democracy is run: Government 2.0.

I talked with O'Reilly at last week's Personal Democracy Forum in New York, a don't-miss annual gathering focused on the intersection between government and technology.

We talked about the need to create a new relationship between We the People and those we elect to represent us -- and the crucial role technology can play in it. For O'Reilly, Government 2.0 isn't about every office in D.C. having its own website and posting reams of data. It's about, as he put it in a blog post-cum-manifesto,... [more]

Bruce Schuman
Wednesday, June 9, 2010

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Just Means - Can the Internet Fix Politics?
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http://www.justmeans.com/PDF-2010-Conference-Mulling-New-Digital-Divide/16980.html http://www.justmeans.com/PDF-2010-Conference-Mulling-New-Digital-Divide/16980.html

Call it the New Digital Divide. In the early days of the Web, social innovation leaders predicted it would spawn a more open and democratic society. Today, though, that hope is being strongly challenged.

According to Eli Pariser, a cofounder and former Executive Director of MoveOn.org, data aggregators like Google have started using increasingly sophisticated filters to decide what information we consume online. Trouble is, these new levels of data-filtering, along with the growth of social networks that aggregate like-minded souls, don't do a lot to foster broad-based civic engagement. The filtering, he told those attending this week's Personal Democracy Forum in Manhattan, is starting to keep us from being exposed to "big chunks" of information and ideas -- chiefly, viewpoints that may differ from our own.

For example, Pariser says, Google now uses 57 different personalization filters to customize what we see on the Web, even if we aren't logged in. That makes it harder for us to see news and information that Google's algorithms suggest might bore us or upset us. And that's not all, says Pariser. Often these "filter bubbles" -- relatively new on the tech scene -- are keeping information from us without o... [more]

Bruce Schuman
Tuesday, June 8, 2010

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John Perry Barlow: Internet has broken political system
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John Perry Barlow: Internet has broken political system

http://thehill.com/blogs/hillicon-valley/technology/101273-john-perry-barlow-internet-has-broken-political-system

By Gautham Nagesh - 06/03/10 01:17 PM ET The deluge of information available on the Web has made the country ungovernable, according to Electronic Frontier Foundation co-founder John Perry Barlow.

"The political system is broken partly because of Internet," Barlow said. "It's made it impossible to govern anything the size of the nation-state. We're going back to the city-state. The nation-state is ungovernably information-rich."

Speaking at Personal Democracy Forum in New York on Thursday, Barlow said there is too much going on at every level in Washington, D.C., for the government to effectively handle everything on its plate. Instead, he advocated citizens organizing around the issues most important to them.

Barlow also said that President Barack Obama's election, driven largely by small donations, has fundamentally changed American politics. He said a similar bottom-up structure is needed for governing as well.

"It's not the second coming, everything won't get better overnight, but that made it possible to see a future where it wasn’t simply a matter of money to define who won these things," Barlow said. "The government cou... [more]

Bruce Schuman
Tuesday, June 8, 2010

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Jane Hamsher - FireDogLake - Can the Internet Fix Politics?
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http://www.huffingtonpost.com/jane-hamsher/can-the-internet-fix-poli_b_599564.html

Whether the internet can "fix" politics or not is a function of what exactly you think is wrong with politics. And as someone who has spent the past several years working in online activism, I would say that the problems in our political system are monumental and spin out from what I call the Cycle of Decay:

Not to be overly melodramatic, but at the moment, it's becoming more and more apparent that corporate America and political elites of both parties are locked in an embrace that threatens to scuttle the world economy, the environment and our system of representative democracy.

And we don't even have a language to talk about it. We measure every political debate along a right-left axis, with rhetoric left over from the culture wars of the 90s. But in doing so, we're firing past the true villains -- the Masters of the Universe who skillfully manipulate tribal prejudices to insure that it is their interests, and not those of the public, that are the ones always being served.

So how does ... [more]

Bruce Schuman
Tuesday, June 8, 2010

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Craig Newmark - Can the Internet Fix Politics?
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Craig Newmark

http://cnewmark.com/

June 02, 2010

PdF: Can the Internet fix politics?

Okay, this week I'll be at Personal democracy Forum, a big deal where people make online grassroots democracy happen.

Its big theme asks, really, can people use the Net to fix politics?

That's a big question, since political gridlock is really hurting our country. Most Americans are reasonable, but loud, extreme voices drown out moderate voices.

I talk to a lot of people on Capitol Hill, and they're tired of it, but no one sees a solution coming from leadership.

Every day for over fifteen years, I work with grassroots America, and I can see most folks are like me in that we want to get through the day, and then become couch potatoes. (Disclaimer: I like the conclusion to LOST.)

However, the situation in America needs people of goodwill to step up and so something, and the Net makes online grassroots involvement a lot easier and more effective than ever.

So, I figure, let's figure out what online grassroots efforts might have the most impact, and get involved.

One experiment originates from the White House, Open for Government, an experiment that was part of the Open Government Initiative. (I should note here that this effort is an ongoing success story that is not being covered by the mainstream press. Lots more effort is needed, but Washington bure... [more]

Bruce Schuman
Sunday, June 6, 2010

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David Frum - Waterloo
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http://www.frumforum.com/waterloo

Waterloo

March 21st, 2010 at 4:59 pm

by David Frum

Conservatives and Republicans today suffered their most crushing legislative defeat since the 1960s.

It’s hard to exaggerate the magnitude of the disaster. Conservatives may cheer themselves that they’ll compensate for today’s expected vote with a big win in the November 2010 elections. But:

(1) It’s a good bet that conservatives are over-optimistic about November – by then the economy will have improved and the immediate goodies in the healthcare bill will be reaching key voting blocs.

(2) So what? Legislative majorities come and go. This healthcare bill is forever. A win in November is very poor compensation for this debacle now.

So far, I think a lot of conservatives will agree with me. Now comes the hard lesson:

A huge part of the blame for today’s disaster attaches to conservatives and Republicans ourselves.

At the beginning of this process we made a strategic decision: unlike, say, Democrats in 2001 when President Bush proposed his first tax cut, we would make no deal with the administration. No negotiations, no compromise, nothing. We were going for all the marbles. This would be Obama’s Waterloo – just as healthcare was Clinton’s in 1994.

Only, the hardliners overlooked a few key facts: Obama was elected with 53% of the vote, not... [more]

Bruce Schuman
Sunday, May 30, 2010

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Shirtless Dancing Guy Theory of Leadership
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http://mydd.com/2010/2/12/the-shirtless-dani

http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=fW8amMCVAJQ&feature=player_embedded

If you've learned a lot about leadership and making a movement, then let's watch a movement happen, start to finish, in under 3 minutes, and dissect some lessons:

A leader needs the guts to stand alone and look ridiculous. But what he's doing is so simple, it's almost instructional. This is key. You must be easy to follow!

Now comes the first follower with a crucial role: he publicly shows everyone how to follow. Notice the leader embraces him as an equal, so it's not about the leader anymore - it's about them, plural. Notice he's calling to his friends to join in. It takes guts to be a first follower! You stand out... [more]

Bruce Schuman
Thursday, May 27, 2010

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Nancy Scola - the Assault on Binary Online Politics
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Nancy Scola - Tech President
May 13, 2010

http://techpresident.com/blog-entry/bill-baby-bill-ari-wallachs-assault-binary-online-politics

Bill, Baby, Bill is a new Twitter campaign that is challenging the idea that passing comprehensive climate legislation through the U.S. Senate is, in the words of one Senator, "impossible."Standing at the intersection of the 2008 campaign's Great Schlep and the U.S. State Department's Opinion Space is Bill, Baby, Bill.

Let me explain. The Great Schlep was the brainchild of Ari Wallach, in my humble opinion, one of the most creative online innovators working in the political space today. The premise, on one level, was simple. Rumors and innuendo were, in 2008, getting between Barack Obama and members of the Jewish community, particularly in the key state of Florida. Who better to convince Nana and Bubbie of Obama's merits than their Obama-loving grandkids? Sarah Silverman was even recruited to record a saucy web video. But there was a deeper intention: shifting the public discourse about Barack Obama by injecting more voices into it.

Opinion Space is a U.S. State Department experiment in mapping global public opinion.Then, there's Opinion Space. I profiled the State Department experiment in mapping global public opinion back in March, calling it "intriguing, exciting, engaging," and "the slightest bit inscrutable." Berkeley professor Ken Goldberg, the State Department's partner in the project, expl... [more]

Bruce Schuman
Thursday, May 13, 2010

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USA International

Our concept is based on a fast-click approach to issues, where points of view or facets of something complicated are represented by brief bullet-points and everything is written as a bottom line.

In our space, you come in and make a few quick choices about what is important to you, and you are invited to introduce new themes or subjects or issues or approaches to issues, always in the form of bullet-points that other people can quickly check off if they agree or are interested.

In this way, we believe we can build a kind of broadband democracy that gets all critical issues on the table at the same time, gives everybody a voice, calls in expertise from everywhere, and liberates our national governance from the crushing limits of our intensely partisan system.